Monday, 16 September 2013

POPULAR JUSTICE, LATERAL THINKING AND BELIEVING THE IMPOSSIBLE


[Revised from my Article by the same Title — Imbizo: Research in Progress Series, Issue No 1/, 1996, Community Peace Foundation: Groote Schuur, Cape Town)] 

What can be done about the way the common people think of our justice? Some of them find the mere word “trial” terrifying.
 
—Crime and Punishment by Fyodor Mikhail Dostoyevsky

 

 

'l can’t believe that!' said Alice

'Can't you?' the queen said ...
'There's no use in trying 'she said: 'one

Can’t believe impossible things'.

'I dare say, you haven't had much practice',

said the queen.

When I was your age, I always did it for

half an hour a day.

Why, sometimes I've believed as many as

six impossible things before breakfast

 

—Through the Looking Class by Lewis Carroll

 

 

INTRODUCTION

 

Do we need courts, with their rituals, symbols and personae in black robes, who speak their familiar (but not so widely understood) legalese? Are there no other institutions more efficient in the administration of justice than the courts of law? Do we really have to spend (some might say waste) years at University learning how to resolve disputes and problems? There will be those who would consider the very contemplation of such questions sacrilegious and anarchist.

 

Criticism levelled at the legal system is that too many chauvinists have laid claim to the tools regulating the administration of justice and that they do not care about law and order or the safety of the ordinary citizen. Many legal practitioners only guard their own financial interests and professional statuses. Academics too often do not pursue justice, but only abstract ideas for erudite dissertations or articles. Justice should not be allowed to suffocate under these conditions. It should be administered by those directly interested in their own safety and security―the so-called ordinary people. These ordinary people speak the language of fellow citizens and wear the same ordinary clothes of their fellow citizens when administering their justice; they do not walk around in scary black robes.

 

I shall argue that any person who is a citizen of good standing is qualified and competent to be a judge. I shall moot the possibility that we might not even need courts to assist us in solving our problems. Justice is common sense. Years of misguided education have made us insensitive to the art of effective conflict resolution. I shall seek to encourage the appreciation of other, more participative and user friendly ways of resolving disputes and conflict.

 

 

REINVENTING THE WHEEL

 

Dr Edward De Bono, generally considered the leading authority on creative and conceptual thinking, is critical of the ability of acknowledged skilled people, operating within their conventional institutions, to resolve disputes:

 

All those people who have built up skill in the old idiom of conflict thinking, where the thinking is the extension of the conflict, should not assume that that is the only or the best approach to conflict resolution. If we are content to leave conflict resolution to such people then this assumption will be made, and we shall remain stuck forever within an idiom that has shown itself to be inadequate (De Bono 1985:99)

 

We assume that there have to be courts with all the trappings courts are supposed to be endowed. The question which is not asked, however, is whether a court is a precondition for the existence of justice. Someone, sometime long ago, invented the wheel and the construction or invention of a similar utensil is not for such sophisticated souls as we. De Bono criticises our obsession with the familiar and our fear of the untested.

 

It is never easy to abandon familiar figures that have proved their usefulness over and over again. The sense of commitment is very strong. It is difficult to remember the arbitrary nature of the figure which seems to have been discovered, not just created to simplify descriptions. When an unfamiliar figure proves difficult to describe, great efforts are made to try every possible combination of well-tried familiar figures rather than some other figure. But there comes a time when it is necessary to question not the way familiar figures are put together in an explanation, but the familiar figures themselves. (De Bono 1967:61)

 

For centuries we have, as Mark Twain said, allowed our schooling to interfere with our education. We have allowed our intellectual development to be hamstrung by rigid institutionalised schooling. We have come to regard this method of using our intellectual properties as gospel. We ostracise those who criticise the institutions to which we have all our lives been exposed. De Bono puts this point as follows:

 

Why is it that our intelligence has locked us into habits, idioms and institutions that prevent a better use of our intelligence? The reason is that we have developed a thinking system that was appropriate when developed but is now dangerously inadequate. That thinking system has served us well in most areasexcept the area of conflict resolution where it is totally useless. This is because the thinking system (based on language, logic and the principle of contradiction) is itself a conflict method. So we apply conflict to the resolution of conflict. (De Bono 1985:2)

 

The unschooled, illiterate, academically unqualified citizens, who have not run the gauntlet of Western intellectual thinking, are prohibited from participating in the administration of justice. How would they ever be able to understand the highly sophisticated, highly refined, highly convoluted art of legal gymnastics that has been so carefully honed for centuries in academic seminars and venerated Courts of law?

 

 

THE BUREAUCRATISATION OF JUSTICE

 

Let us now for a moment believe just one impossible thing: let us consider the abolition of courts. According to French philosopher, Michael Foucault we should not seek a place for popular justice within the conventionally defined constraints of a court. What we should rather ask ourselves is whether there is a place for such a constituted court within acts of popular justice. A court is a means whereby justice could be administered. A court is therefore arguably dispensable:

 

In my view one shouldn't start with the court as a particular form, and then go on to ask how and on what conditions there could be a people's court: one should start with popular justice, with acts of justice by the people, and go on to ask what place a court could have within this. (Foucault 1980:1)

 

Does this suggest that Foucault concedes that there is a place for a court within the parameters of popular justice? Foucault is extremely sceptical, The masses have, for historical reasons, always had a deep-seated mistrust in the judicial system. Also courts set up by the masses themselves, meet with Foucault's disapproval, His rejection of even these courts stems from what he calls their ‘spatial arrangement’.

 

What is 'his arrangement? A table, and behind this table, which distances them from the two litigants, the 'third party', that is the judges, Their position indicates firstly that they are neutral with respect to each litigant, and secondly this implies that their decision is not already arrived at in advance, that it will be made after an aural investigation of the two parties, on the basis of a certain conception of truth and a certain number of ideas concerning what is just and unjust, and thirdly that they have the authority to enforce their decision. (Foucault 1980:8)

 

The spatial arrangement might sound innocuous and even admirable to state court officials: an impartial judge who only reaches a decision after having weighed up the oral evidence. However, an argument along these lines proves that we have been mesmerised by high-sounding Western conceptions of justice. Foucault explains:

 

Now the idea that there can be people who are neutral in relation to the two parties, that they can make judgements about them on the basis of ideas of justice which have absolute validity, and that their decisions must be acted upon, I believe that all this is far removed from and quite foreign to the very idea of popular justice. In the case of popular justice you do not have three elements, you have the masses and their enemies. (Foucault 1980:8)

 

Popular justice is 'profoundly anti-judicial, and is contrary to the very form of the court.' (Foucault 1980:6) The court structure is anathema to the concept of popular justice; the two concepts are mutually exclusive. A court only forces popular justice into a bureaucratic strait-jacket:

 

The court is the bureaucracy of law. If you bureaucratise popular justice then you give it the form of a court. (Foucault 1980;27)

 

Foucault's criticism of the judicial system is not as such a crusade against injustice. He rejects institutions even if the basic rules of natural justice are adhered to: the rule that the other side must be heard and the notion a neutral judge. His concern is with the spatial arrangements, the image of the table, that is, the image of power endemic in any court whether this court produces justice or injustice. The struggle against the judicial institutions should be seen as follows:

 

The anti-judicial struggle is a struggle against power and I don't think that it is a struggle against injustice of the judicial system, or a struggle for improving the efficiency of its institutions. (Foucault 1977:211)

 

One does not necessarily have to call for the abolition of courts, but toying with the idea gives us an excellent practice-run in preparing us to believe the impossible. De Bono teaches us that many things we believe to be impossible are impossible only to the extent that our Western intellectual habits have hampered our creativity. Unschooled people have mastered the art of dispute resolution. These people have not enrolled at Universities for law degrees. The mechanisms they use in dispute resolution, often command more respect from their communities than courts do. These mechanisms are efficient, user friendly, accessible, intelligible and cost effective.

 

 

A PEOPLE'S COURT CASE STUDY

 

In a people's court in Guguletu, Cape Town which I often attended in 1995, ordinary people meet every week to resolve community based disputes. They come voluntarily without having to submit to the jurisdiction by order of court. The stage is immediately set for the amicable dispensation of justice. There are no rules of Evidence and Procedure. There is no presumption of innocence. There is no right to legal representation. The 'judges' are not even necessarily impartial: they are the police, clerks, messengers and orderlies of the court. prosecutors, legal representatives and correctional supervision offices all in one, In short, the proceedings are contrary to the dictates of Western norms that regulate our ordinary courts, and are more likely than not unconstitutional.

 

A complainant presented his argument to the judges. He alleged that his erstwhile girlfriend (the accused) had damaged his window. Yes, she retorted, she had broken the window, but the complainant (her child’s father) had failed to support this child financially. She had gone to his residence to confront him about this; an argument ensued as a result of which she smashed the window. A magistrate in a criminal court would have told her that defence was hardly a defence but at most a plea in mitigation of sentence. She should have gone to the maintenance officer to lay a complaint of failing to pay maintenance. She was wrong to have taken the law into her own hands.

 

In our people's court, no sooner had she raised her defence than the court performed a somersault: the original complainant was there and then marked as the accused on a charge of failing to pay maintenance and the original accused became the new complainant. From the entrails of what we in a criminal court would have called a charge of malicious damage to property, sprang a charge of failing to pay maintenance. The new defendant was at pains to defend himself. There was no question of his objecting to an apparently procedural irregularity. There was no question of his taking the matter on appeal or review. He alleged that his employer had in fact deducted the payments from his salary.

 

The case was thereupon adjourned to the following week. In the meantime the judges established that our newfound accused had told the truth; the reason the complainant had not received the money was that there was a bureaucratic hiccup at the office where she was supposed to have collected it. On the next date of appearance the case was resolved: she was satisfied with the reason for non-payment and she undertook to repair the damage to the window. There was no chance of either party being 'convicted' of any offence. Harmony was restored between the two. Whereas this case would have required two separate trials over perhaps several months in our state court, it was disposed of in our people's court within a week.

 

 

 

THE LEGITIMISATION OF CONFLICT

 

In the following excerpt Dr De Bono refers to the hostile method of resolving disputes that we encounter on a daily basis in our criminal courts:


Like criticism, argument is emotionally attractive. It puts into a more civilised framework the joy of fighting and the potential joy of destroying the other party. Once this innate attractiveness had been legitimised as the proper way to think about things it is no surprise that argument became so pervasive in Western culture. Other cultures do have discussions and disagreements and emotions, but without division into two warring parties. (De Bono 1994:34)

 

The San Francisco Community Boards in the United States employ a method of conflict resolution that is informal, participatory, non-professional and in accordance with the norms of the local community. There is not the violence of imposed, coerced settlements, because the aim is reconciliation, consensus and compromise. (Merry and MiIner 1993:10). This is probably an example of the method of conflict resolution De Bono refers to in the following quotation:

 

There is a very interesting type of conflict resolution that is prescribed by law in certain states of the United States but is not often used because it is not much liked by lawyers. In normal conflict situation both parties start at extreme positions knowing that they will gradually bargain and fight their way to a middle or compromise position. A great deal of time, effort, and expense is involved. In the alternative method, the conflicting parties never meet. Each party 'designs' the most reasonable 'outcome' or conclusion. Both outcomes are placed before a judge or arbitrator. This person has to choose the most 'reasonable’ of the proposed outcomes. Clearly if one suggested outcome is unreasonable and the other is reasonable then the reasonable outcome wins. So both ponies try their hardest to 'design' a reasonable outcome. All the effort which might previously have gone into fighting now goes into 'design'. If both parties do a good job of designing a reasonable outcome then it probably does not much matter which one is chosen by the judge. The interesting point about this procedure is that all the emphasis is placed on design instead of argument. (De Bona 1992:65)

 

The members of the people's court in Guguletu naturally make use of this method of conflict resolution advocated by De Bono. They might not have made a study of these concepts, but they are lateral thinkers by nature. The time has now come for us to teach our intellectuals the art of resolving disputes in a civilised manner.

 

 

CONCLUSION

 

Michael Foucault's views on popular justice are radical. One does not necessarily have to agree with them or argue for their implementation. However, Foucault's approach could serve as a catalyst to jolt us from our complacent stance on the administration of justice. He forces us to make use of a process of thought that is seemingly anti-establishment and illogical. This might nevertheless be very valuable in giving us food for thought in a quest to solve the legitimacy crisis from which the legal profession suffers, In other words, ha urges us to make use of a problem solving technique which De Bono might have called  'Lateral Thinking'.

 

Like Alice we should learn to believe the impossible and to think the unthinkable. We should moot the possibility of abolishing courts. We might eventually realise that a step as radical as this might not be necessary. But, as the Queen advises Alice, we need the practice. Only then we might be able to stimulate a debate on the legitimisation of justice that might change our views and that of society radically. Eventually, this might encourage us to change our judicial system radically.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Edward De Bono

 

The Use of Lateral Thinking, Penguin Books, 1967

 

Conflicts: A Better Way to Resolve Them, Penguin Books, 1985

 

Serious Creativity: Using the Power of Lateral Thinking to Create New Ideas, Harper Collins, 1992

 

Parallel Thinking: from Socratic to De Bono Thinking, HCA & Penguin Books, 1994

 

 

Michael Foucault

 

Intellectuals and Power (A Conversation with Gilles Deleuze), in Language, Counter Memory, Practice (selected essays and interviews). Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1977

 

Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings (1972-1977), Pantheon, 1980

 

 

Engle Merry and Neil Milner (Editors)

 

The Possibility of Popular Justice: A Case Study of Community Mediation in the United States, University of Michigan Press, 1995

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